By Wisnu Dewabrata*
Although it is not really similar to military orderliness, the loyalty model of a santri (student at traditional Muslim school) and culture of Pesantren (Islamic school for children and young people, most of whom are boarders) to the religious teacher (kiyai) is not big different with the loyalty of a soldier to the general.

The difference is: in a relationship model between kiyai and santri and nahdliyin (member of the Indonesian mainstream Muslim traditional group of Nahdatul Ulama) is not acquainted with command terminology like military. An order from kiyai is sometimes said by symbols, which are categorized as a mandated call for those santris who apply a principle; to listen and to obey (sami’na wa ata’na).

My friend, Ilmie, was telling me a story when he was a student at a famous pesantren in East Java. The New Order dictatorship regime of Suharto was in power at that time. In every moment of coming close to presidential election – besides receiving many political figures’ visits – the kiyais also usually sent back home the santris for participating the election. Before sending back the students home, however, the kiyai gave special advice for them on which party should be voted.

There was no pressure at all. But the students fully understood the massage behind the kiyais’ advice. Not only the students, they family also followed the order of kiyais. Carrying out approaches toward local Muslim leaders and pesantren seemed vary effective for politicians to at least persuade and influence people to vote their political parties or those figures who were endorsed by the kiyais. The prominence of kiyai had been effective as the vote getter.

In a row of the reform era – after the Suharto regime felt down – a number of observers started aware that the level of loyalty of the santris was decreasing gradually, especially for the relation of political preference between santri, people and kiyai.  Priyatmoko, a lecturer Airlangga University in Surabaya, said there were at least two factors caused such situation:

First, the more varieties of political parties and figures can be chosen by the people in the election. It has changed the attitude and preference of the voters – not only for the people but also kiyais.

Second, the political loyalty of the people is decreasing, following the increase of the people’s political awareness and knowledge on how to choose, who to vote and what do they have to decide. With having such experience, people are more independent in determining their choice and able to know the political tendency and calculate the influence of the kiyai and what the benefit for them.

“Santris and young generations are now getting more critical. While responding a fatwa or tausiyah (advise), ‘they don’t take it for granted anymore. They started thinking of who takes the benefit and what the benefit can be taken, according to Priyatmoko. The critical behavior – based on knowledge – is related with flourishing freedom of expression in pesantren and more aggressive in exploring information from media, Priyatmoko said.

“But in some factors, kiyai and pesantren remain beneficial for political parties and the candidate of government leaders to be approached. But it is rather symbolic. If it was effective, the nomination of Pak Hasyim Muzadi to run for 2004 presidency should have been successful,” Priyatmoko said.

A professor Social and Political Science from the same university, Kacung Marijan, added that the political fragmentation of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was caused by its policy of “Back to Khittah (Basic Principle)” of January 31, 1926. A famous slogan then came up: ‘NU is everywhere but not going anywhere’. Such situation has politically encouraged fragmentations in NU that impacts worsen for the people of NU than in the New Order era, which was having only three political parties.

“Religious justification, which used to be used, is not applicable anymore now. The kiyai was at that time easily saying that if no votes the Islamic United Development Party you will go to hell. We have now many political parties to make people having many options which in turn their political preference is getting more independent,” Kacung said.

Related to various approaches done by political parties or figures by visiting kiyais or pesantrens to get endorsements from them is understandable and allowed. It is common for the local Muslim clerics to do such thing, including receiving money from political parties or candidates.

“What is happening then is people becomes transactional and economic minded. But actually the case is in modern democracy, the transaction form is not in the context of economy but policy, which in turn making people to be more prosperous,” Kacung said. 

If such situation is getting wider and bigger, according to Kacung, is the fault of kiyais. A kiyai should consider objectively before receiving donation or giving endorsement. Those political figures who visited a kiyai are for sure having certain interests. In this context, a kiyai must have moral commitment.

Tragedy of Rationalization
Secretary General NU Organization Endang Turmudzi agreed with such observation but it is limited to political preference. Kiyai is still having charisma and big respect related to religious matters.

“If kiyai used to have influence and even ability to pressure people then now it is impossible to be done. The transformation and rationalization have indeed been happened,” Endang said.

KH Imam Mahrus, the head of Lirboyo Pesantren in Kediri, East Java, said it would be better if political preference of either people or santris and kiyais to give it to each individual. Not only that, all parties should respect each other in determining the choices.

That point of view, according to Mahrus, is much better for NU people, who should be able to protect and place themselves over all parties. All candidates of provincial leaders whom have background of NU must be endorsed by the NU people. But if many candidates have the same background then no matter whoever they are must be supported.

*Journalist from Kompas

(Kompas, Thursday, July 15, 2008)